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Brady Fletcher Mrs. Stone Advanced English III 12. Dec. 2013 Robert E. Lee America has had many people that have made a positive difference to this nation by showing perseverance and putting others first for the greater good for the cause. People from low levels of society and from high levels of society have contributed to change this to become great. Robert E. Lee and his family did not enjoy fantastic wealth (â€Å"American Experience†). Robert E. Lee had an impact on this nation from the military standpoint. He had many difficult choices and decisions to make, like to stay with Virginia or to lead the Union Army. Lee served his country with everything he had. He fought on the battlefield, and commanded troops to victories and defeats. Lee never complained about the situation he was in or gave up when the going got tough. How did Robert E. Lee’s successful military career affect his life and how is he considered a prominent figure in American history? Lee didn’t grow up in a real wealthy family although his family held a position in Virginia’s ruling elite. His father Henry Lee, also known as â€Å"Light-Horse Harry,† was a cavalry leader during the Revolutionary war. Like his father, Robert E. Lee also took the military route when he enrolled in the Military Academy at West Point where he rapidly grew in ranks and graduated second in his class of 1829 (â€Å"American Experience†). After graduating from West Point Lee took the job as an officer in the corps of Engineers, where he supervised and inspected the nation’s coastal defenses. Lee did this for 17 years without having any experience on the field of war. All of this would change very soon for Lee when he would finally set foot on the battle field in Mexico in 1846. Lee r... ...uch to defeat. Lee has had many ups and downs during military career. Because of this, people look to Robert E. Lee as a very good man. He showed loyalty, dedication, and relentless pursue for victory. He truly is a person that you can model your life after and learn some valuable life lessons from him. His courageous and brave lifestyle should be recognized as a prominent figure in United States history. Lee taught people what it meant to be a true American dedicated to make this nation be as good as it can be. He also faced many tough decisions in war whether it was to attack, retreat, or to surrender. Although people make tough decision every day of their life, they don’t compare to the decisions that Lee had to make. Lee’s decisions lead to the death of soldiers in a winning or losing effort. Also his decisions made an impact on the United States. Essay -- Brady Fletcher Mrs. Stone Advanced English III 12. Dec. 2013 Robert E. Lee America has had many people that have made a positive difference to this nation by showing perseverance and putting others first for the greater good for the cause. People from low levels of society and from high levels of society have contributed to change this to become great. Robert E. Lee and his family did not enjoy fantastic wealth (â€Å"American Experience†). Robert E. Lee had an impact on this nation from the military standpoint. He had many difficult choices and decisions to make, like to stay with Virginia or to lead the Union Army. Lee served his country with everything he had. He fought on the battlefield, and commanded troops to victories and defeats. Lee never complained about the situation he was in or gave up when the going got tough. How did Robert E. Lee’s successful military career affect his life and how is he considered a prominent figure in American history? Lee didn’t grow up in a real wealthy family although his family held a position in Virginia’s ruling elite. His father Henry Lee, also known as â€Å"Light-Horse Harry,† was a cavalry leader during the Revolutionary war. Like his father, Robert E. Lee also took the military route when he enrolled in the Military Academy at West Point where he rapidly grew in ranks and graduated second in his class of 1829 (â€Å"American Experience†). After graduating from West Point Lee took the job as an officer in the corps of Engineers, where he supervised and inspected the nation’s coastal defenses. Lee did this for 17 years without having any experience on the field of war. All of this would change very soon for Lee when he would finally set foot on the battle field in Mexico in 1846. Lee r... ...uch to defeat. Lee has had many ups and downs during military career. Because of this, people look to Robert E. Lee as a very good man. He showed loyalty, dedication, and relentless pursue for victory. He truly is a person that you can model your life after and learn some valuable life lessons from him. His courageous and brave lifestyle should be recognized as a prominent figure in United States history. Lee taught people what it meant to be a true American dedicated to make this nation be as good as it can be. He also faced many tough decisions in war whether it was to attack, retreat, or to surrender. Although people make tough decision every day of their life, they don’t compare to the decisions that Lee had to make. Lee’s decisions lead to the death of soldiers in a winning or losing effort. Also his decisions made an impact on the United States.

Life-cycle :: essays research papers

Amidst the â€Å"hot pies and potato-chips†, â€Å"innocent monsters† and â€Å"resurgent lions†, Dawe effectively illustrates Victorian popular culture in the poem â€Å"Life-cycle†. Generally speaking, the subject matter is associated with Victorian lifestyle, notwithstanding the prevalent reference specifically to AFL football. Humour and good intentions counterbalance sentiments of condescending ridicule. Dawe flippantly suggests that â€Å"the tides of life will be the tides of the home-team’s fortunes†. Whilst some may be inclined to assume that Dawe is merely mocking a preoccupied Victorian society, it is worth mentioning that his criticisms are far from hostile. In fact, it would be fair to say that they are detailed with an affectionate and benevolent disposition. Whimsically, Dawe depicts a solitary culture conditioned by an overwhelming fascination with AFL football. The insinuation that Victorians are born into football loyalty, similar to that of religion, suggests that Dawe possesses the unique ability to detect similarities in events that are generally opaque to the standard eye. Biblical references throughout the poem cast an additional dimension in the audience’s minds. The mention of the â€Å"empyrean† and the booming of the commentator from the stands could arguably be hypothesised as having a religious underpinning. In a biblical sense, â€Å"empyrean† means the highest heaven and the booming commentator could likewise be compared with a religious God – an Almighty all-seeing onlooker. Dawe further develops comparisons in the form of non-religious similes. For example, the comparison between â€Å"rippling minds† and â€Å"streamers†, and for descriptive purposes, children are defined as â €Å"little monsters who have been years swimming towards the daylight’s roaring empyrean†. The relationship fabricated between Dawe and his audience is far more personal than that achieved by similar poets. The language is seemingly colloquial, vernacular and familiar to everyday Australians, despite the occasional rise of cerebral biblical dialect. Dawe utilises are variety of poetic devices to convey a powerful sense of imagery. The deliberate exaggeration for dramatic effect (otherwise known as a hyperbole) is used in the phrase â€Å"the pure flood of sound†. In this instance, the obvious exaggeration encourages a greater sense of aural imagery. In terms of visual imagery, descriptions of â€Å"club-colours†, â€Å"beribboned cots† and hoisting children shoulder-high, enables the reader to gain a perceptive appreciation of what football loyalty entails. The symbolic application of the â€Å"litter Tiger†, â€Å"resurgent lions†, Demons and Saints, highlight the obvious significance of football mascots. Alliteration such as â€Å"passion persisting† emphasises the strong emotional attachment that football followers rightfully possess.

History of Social Psychology Essay

As a scientific discipline, social psychology is only a bit older than one hundred years, with most of the growth occurring during the past five decades (McGarty & Haslam, 1997). By most standards, social psychology is a relatively young science. In discussing the discipline’s history, it should be noted that there are two social psychologies, one in psychology and the other in sociology, with the larger of the two being the psychological branch (Jones, 1998). The central focus of psychological social psychology is how the individual responds to social stimuli, whereas sociological social psychology focuses on larger group or societal variables, such as people’s socioeconomic status, their social roles, and cultural norms (Stryker, 1997). Although there have been calls to merge the two social psychologies into a single field (Backman, 1983)-—and even a joint psychology-sociology doctoral program at the University of Michigan from 1946 to 1967–their different orientations make it doubtful that this will transpire in the foreseeable future. In this historical overview, the psychological branch of the discipline will be highlighted. Wundt and The Dawning of a Scientific Discipline: 1862-1894 German psychologist Wilhelm Wundt (1832-1921), who is widely regarded as the founder of psychology, had a hand in the early development of what would become social psychology. In 1862, Wundt proposed that there should be two branches of psychology: physiological psychology and social or folk psychology (Và ¶lkerpsychologie). Largely due to his influential writings, by 1900 Germany’s annual bibliography of the psychological literature listed over 200 articles per year under the heading â€Å"social psychology.† Despite his influence in shaping social psychology in Europe, Wundt’s ideas had little impact on American social scientists because his writings were not translated into English and his conception of psychology as the â€Å"science of the mind† was incompatible with the new behaviorist perspective in the United States that emerged during the early years of the 20th century. Underlying behaviorism was a philosophy known as logical positivism, which contended that knowledge should be expressed in terms that could be verified empirically or through direct observation. This new â€Å"science of behavior† had little use for Wundt’s conception of social psychology. This was especially true for the social psychology developing in psychology in America, but less so for sociological social psychology. Thus, psychological social psychology in America, which would become the intellectual core of the discipline, developed largely outside the realm of Wundtian influence. The Early Years: 1895–1935 An American psychologist at Indiana University, Norman Triplett, is generally credited with having conducted the first empirical social psychological study. In 1895 Triplett asked the following question: â€Å"How does a person’s performance of a task change when other people are present?† The question was prompted by Triplett noticing that a bicycle racer’s speed was faster when he was paced by other cyclists than when he raced alone. Being a racing enthusiast and desiring to learn what caused these different race times, he devised the first social scientific experiment. In this study, he asked children to quickly wind line on a fishing reel either alone or in the presence of other children performing the same task. As he had predicted, the children wound the line faster when in the presence of other children. Published in 1897, this study is credited with introducing the experimental method into the social sciences. Despite the significance of this study, it took a full generation for researchers to understand the social psychological dynamics underlying Triplett’s findings (see the chapter 10 discussion of social facilitation). Despite this accomplishment, Triplett did nothing to establish social psychology as a distinct subfield of psychology. Credit for this achievement goes to the first authors of textbooks bearing that title, namely, English psychologist William McDougall and American sociologist Edward Ross, who each published separate texts in 1908. Consistent with the contemporary perspective in psychological social  psychology, McDougall considered the individual to be the principal unit of analysis in this new science, while Ross, true to the contemporary sociological social psychology perspective, highlighted groups. Despite the inauguration of this new subfield within psychology and sociology, social psychology still lacked a distinct identity. How was it different from the other subdisciplines within the two larger disciplines? What were its methods of inquiry? In 1924 a third social psychology text, published by Floyd Allport (older brother of Gordon Allport), went a long way in answering these questions for psychological social psychology. Reading his words today, you can see the emerging perspective that would one day permeate the psychological branch of the field: I believe that only within the individual can we find the behavior mechanisms and consciousness which are fundamental in the interactions between individuals†¦. There is no psychology of groups which is not essentially and entirely a psychology of individuals†¦. Psychology in all its branches is a science of the individual. (Allport, 1924, p. 4) Allport’s conception of social psychology was proposed eleven years after John Watson ushered in the behaviorist era in American psychology. Allport’s brand of social psychology emphasized how the person responds to stimuli in the social environment, with the group merely being one of many such stimuli. Beyond this emerging individualist and behaviorist stamp, Allport further shaped the identity of American social psychology by extolling the virtues of the experimental method in studying such topics as conformity, nonverbal communication, and social facilitation. The pursuit of social psychological knowledge through carefully controlled experimental procedures would increasingly characterize the field in the coming years. As Allport’s conception of social psychology gained American adherents, German social psychology was being shaped by the Gestalt perspective, which rejected both the existing European-inspired notion of a group mind and the American individualist stand that groups were not real in themselves. Instead, Gestalt social psychologists contended that the social environment  is made up not only of individuals, but of relations between individuals, and these relationships have important psychological implications. Thus, Gestalt social psychologists promoted an understanding of groups as real social entities, which directly led to the tradition of group processes and group dynamics that still exists today. These two schools of thought within psychological social psychology, one in America and the other in Germany, which were developing independent of one another, would soon be thrust together due to events on the world scene. The Coming of Age: 1936–1945 During the first three decades of the twentieth century, Allport’s conception of social psychology emphasized basic research, with little consideration given to addressing specific social problems or broader issues bearing on reform. However, by the mid-1930s, the discipline was poised for further growth and expansion. The events that had the greatest impact on social psychology at this critical juncture in its history were the Great Depression in the United States and the social and political upheavals in Europe generated by the First and Second World Wars. Following the stock market crash of 1929, many young psychologists were unable to find or hold jobs. Experiencing firsthand the impact of societal forces, many of them adopted the liberal ideals of the Roosevelt â€Å"New Dealers† or the more radical left-wing political views of the socialist and communist parties. In 1936 these social scientists formed an organization dedicated to the scientific study of important social issues and the support for progressive social action (Stagner, 1986). This organization, known as the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues (SPSSI), contained many social psychologists who were interested in applying their newly developed theories and political activism to real-world problems. One of the important contributions of SPSSI to social psychology was, and continues to be, the infusion of ethics and values into the discussion of social life. Its immediate impact on social psychology in the 1930s was to infuse a more applied character to research. New areas of research spawned during this decade were intergroup relations, leadership, propaganda, organizational  behavior, voting behavior, and consumer behavior. In other countries, world events triggered changes that further distinguished American social psychology from its scientific cousins abroad. For example, the communist revolution in Russia at the end of the First World War led to a purging of individualist-oriented research and theorizing, a development that stood in stark contrast to the increasing focus on the individual within American social psychology. In 1936, the Soviet Union’s Communist Party forbids the use of psychological tests in various applied settings, which effectively prohibited the study of individual differences. At the same time, the rise of fascism in Germany, Spain, and Italy created a strong anti-intellectual and anti-Semitic atmosphere in these countries. To escape this persecution, a number of Europe’s leading social scientists, such as Fritz Heider, Gustav Ichheiser, Kurt Lewin, and Theodor Adorno, immigrated to America. When the United States entered the war, many social psychologists—both American and European— applied their knowledge of human behavior in a wide variety of wartime programs, including the selection of officers for the Office of Strategic Services (the forerunner of the Central Intelligence Agency) and the undermining of enemy morale (Hoffman, 1992). The constructive work resulting from this collaboration demonstrated the practical usefulness of social psychology. During this time of global strife, one of the most influential social psychologists was Kurt Lewin, a Jewish refugee from Nazi Germany. Lewin was instrumental in founding SPSSI and served as its president in 1941. He firmly believed that social psychology did not have to make a choice between being either a pure science or an applied science. His oft-repeated maxim, â€Å"No research without action, and no action without research† continues to influence social psychologists interested in applying their knowledge to current social problems (Ash, 1992). By the time of his death in 1947 at the age of 57, Lewin had provided many of social psychology’s defining characteristics (Lewin, 1936; Lewin et al., 1939). With the end of the war, prospects were bright for social psychology in  North America. Based on their heightened stature in the scientific community, social psychologists established new research facilities, secured government grants, and, most important, trained graduate students. These future social psychologists were predominantly white, male, and middle class. Many of their mentors were the European scholars who had fled their native countries and then remained in America following the war. Yet, while social psychology was flourishing in this country, the devastating effects of the world war virtually destroyed the discipline overseas. In this postwar period, the United States emerged as the unchallenged world power, and just as it exported its material goods to other countries, it exported its social psychology as well. This brand of social psychology reflected the political ideology of American society and the social problems encountered within its boundaries (Farr, 1996). Rapid Expansion: 1946–1969 With its infusion of European intellectuals and the recently trained young American social psychologists, the maturing science of social psychology expanded its theoretical and research base. To understand how a civilized society like Germany could fall under the influence of a ruthless demagogue like Adolf Hitler, Theodor Adorno and his colleagues (Adorno et al., 1950) studied the psychological parameters of the authoritarian personality. Some years later, Stanley Milgram (1963) extended this line of research in his now famous obedience experiments, which examined the conditions that make people more likely to obey destructive authority figures. Social psychologists also focused their attention on the influence that the group had on the individual (Asch, 1956) and of the power of persuasive communication (Hovland et al., 1949). Arguably the most significant line of research and theorizing during this period was Leon Festinger’s theory of cognitive dissonance (Festinger, 1957). This theory asserted that people’s thoughts and actions were motivated by a desire to maintain cognitive consistency. The simplicity of the theory and its often surprising findings generated interest and enthusiasm both inside and outside of social psychology for many years. Social psychology’s concern with societal prejudice continued to assert itself during the 1950s. For example, the 1954 U.S. Supreme Court decision to end the practice of racially segregated education was partly based on Kenneth Clark and Mamie Phipps Clark’s research indicating that segregation negatively affected the self-concept of Black children. In that same year, Gordon Allport (brother of Floyd Allport) provided a theoretical outline for how desegregation might reduce racial prejudice. What came to be known as the contact hypothesis was a social psychological blueprint for reducing hostility between groups by manipulating situational variables. This perspective toward understanding and â€Å"fixing† prejudice better fit the behaviorist social psychology practiced in America than the earlier developed authoritarian personality approach. The decade of the 1960s was a time of turmoil in the United States, with the country caught in the grip of political assassinations, urban violence, social protests, and the Vietnam War. People were searching for constructive ways to change society for the better. Following this lead, social psychologists devoted more research time to such topics as aggression, helping, attraction, and love. The groundbreaking research of Elaine Hatfield and Ellen Berscheid (Berscheid & Hatfield, 1969; Hatfield et al., 1966) on interpersonal and romantic attraction, for example, was not only important in widening the scope of social psychological inquiry, but it also generated considerable controversy outside the field. A number of public officials and ordinary citizens thought social scientists should not try to understand the mysteries of romance. Less controversial was the bystander intervention research conducted by Bibb Latanà © and John Darley (1968), which was inspired by the 1984 murder of K itty Genovese in New York City. Despite the wariness of some, during the 1960s the federal government expanded its attempts to cure societal ills with the guidance of social scientists. Within this cultural context, the number of social psychologists rose dramatically. Among these new social scientists were an increasing number of women and, to a lesser degree, minority members. Whole new lines of inquiry into social behavior commenced, with an increasing interest in  the interaction of the social situation with personality factors. The multitude and diversity of these lines of research would continue into the following decades (Pion et al., 1996). Crisis and Reassesesment: 1970–1984 When social psychology first emerged from World War II and embarked on its rapid expansion, one of the pioneers in the field, Theodore Newcomb (1951), expressed concern that expectations were greater than anything that could be delivered in the near future. By the 1970s, when solutions to societal problems were no closer to being solved, and as the usefulness and ethics of experimental research came under increased scrutiny, a â€Å"crisis of confidence† emerged (Elms, 1975). When this disappointment and criticism was followed by accusations from women and minorities that past research and theory reflected the biases of a white, male-dominated view of reality, many began to reassess the field’s basic premises. Fortunately, out of this crisis emerged a more vital and inclusive field of social psychology. More rigorous ethical standards were established, and although experiments remained the method of choice, researchers began conducting more correlational studies, as well as employing other methods. Regarding accusations of racial and gender bias, social psychology began moving toward more responsible positions, but such biases have yet to be eliminated from the discipline (Graham, 1992; Tesser & Bau, 2002). Another important development during this time period was the importing of ideas from cognitive psychology in explaining social behavior. This â€Å"cognitive revolution† (see p. 00) greatly enhanced theory and research in all areas of social psychology, and its impact persists today. Accompanying the social cognitive emphasis was renewed interest in the concept of the self, which previously had been the focus of only sociological social psychologists. However, with the waning influence of behaviorism, psychological social psychologists rediscovered the insights of founding social scientists such as William James, John Dewey, Charles Horton Cooley, and George Herbert Mead. Soon the self became a central concept within psychological social psychology. An Expanding Global and Interdisciplinary View of Social Psychology: 1985–present By the 1970s, both European and Latin American social psychological associations had been founded, and in 1995, the Asian Association of Social Psychology was formed. The social psychology that developed overseas placed more emphasis on intergroup and societal variables in explaining social behavior than did its American cousin. In the mid-1980s, this overseas influence began to reshape the discipline, as social psychologists throughout the world actively exchanged ideas and collaborated on multinational studies (Fiske et al., 1998; Vala et al., 1996). Many of the new ideas about social behavior were generated by scholars from collectivist cultures who were raised within societies that have a very different perspective on the relationship between the individual and the group than that within the societies of traditional social psychologists. Subsequent cross-cultural research found that certain social beliefs and behaviors that were previously considered universal were in actuality specific to the socialization practices of individualist cultures. Based on these findings, considerable research attention was devoted to determining which aspects of human behavior are culture specific–due to conditions existing within a particular culture–and which ones are due to human’s shared evolutionary heritage. Although social psychology’s â€Å"professional center of gravity† still resides in the United States, European and Third World social psychology offers the entire field opportunities to escape what some consider the limitations of this â€Å"gravitational pull† to perceive new worlds of social reality (Shinha, 2003; Tam et al., 2003). This multicultural perspective will continue to guide research in the coming years. Contemporary social psychologists have also continued the legacy of Kurt Lewin and SPSSI by applying their knowledge to a wide arena of everyday life, such as law, health, education, politics, sports, and business (Ellsworth & Mauro, 1998; Kinder, 1998; Salovey et al., 1998). This interest in applying the principles and findings of social psychology is a natural outgrowth of the search for understanding. Despite the dominance of social cognition in the 1980s, some social psychologists raised concerns about the relative lack of focus on emotions and motives in explaining social thinking. These critics of existing social cognitive theories argued that to think of motives and affect as merely end products in a central processing system was to dehumanize social psychology. In the early 1990s, a number of social psychologists sought to establish a more balanced view by blending the traditional hot and cold perspectives into what some have termed the Warm Look. These revised social-cognitive theories proposed that people employ multiple cognitive strategies based on their current goals, motives, and needs. Theorists typically developed dual-process models, meaning that social thinking and behavior is determined by two different ways of understanding and responding to social stimuli. One mode of information processing—related to the cold perspective legacy–is based on effortful, reflective thinking, in which no action is taken until its potential consequences are properly weighed and evaluated. The alternative mode of processing information–related to the hot perspective legacy—is based on minimal cognitive effort, in which behavior is impulsively and unintentionally activated by emotions, habits, or biological drives, often below the â€Å"radar† of consciousness. Which of the two avenues of information processing people take at any given time is the subject of ongoing research. This attention to both explicit and implicit cognition has recently prompted social psychologists to explore how neural activity in the brain is associated with various social psychological processes, including self-awareness, self-regulation, attitude formation and change, group interaction, and prejudice. Although the numbers of social psychologists who pursue such research is still relatively small, the knowledge they acquire concerning the biology of social behavior will undoubtedly play a role in reshaping existing theories. Indeed, the U.S. federal government’s National Institute of Mental Health—which has an annual budget of 1.3 billion dollars–has recently given priority to research grants that combine social psychology and neuroscience. In concluding this historical overview, if the life of a scientific discipline is analogous to a person’s life, then contemporary social psychology is best thought of as a â€Å"young adult† in the social sciences. Compared with some of the more established sciences, social psychology is â€Å"barely dry behind the ears† and still subject to growing pains (Abrams & Hogg, 2004; Brewer, 2004; Rozin, 2001). Yet it is a discipline where new and innovative ideas are unusually welcome, where new theoretical approaches and scientific methods from other scientific disciplines are regularly incorporated into the study of social thinking and behavior, and where members of the discipline regularly question the social significance of their findings. In this ongoing critical self-assessment, most social psychologists are confident that their still-young science will continue revealing important insights into how we function as social creatures. Some of the milestones of the f ield are listed in table 1. Table 1 Some Milestones in the Field of Social Psychology The Dawning of a New Discipline and Early Years 1862: Wilhelm Wundt proposes that psychology establish human or social sciences (Geisteswissenschaften) to study the higher mental processes involving language, social practices and customs, religion, and art. 1897: Norman Triplett publishes the first scientific study of social behavior, on a topic that was later called social facilitation. 1900: Wundt publishes the first volume of what would become a classic 10-volume set of Và ¶lkerpsychologie (folk or social psychology) which analyzed a wide variety of social thought and behavior. 1908: Psychologist William McDougall and sociologist Edward Ross separately publish social psychology textbooks. 1920: Willy Hellpach founds the first Institute for Social Psychology in Germany. Hitler’s rise to power leads to the institute’s demise in 1933. 1924: Floyd Allport publishes the third social psychology text, clearly identifying the focus for the psychological branch of the discipline and covering many topics that are still studied today. 1925: Edward Bogardus develops the social distance scale to measure attitudes toward ethnic groups. Shortly, Louis Thurstone (1928) and Rensis Likert (1932) further advance attitude scale development. 1934: George Herbert Mead’s book Mind, Self, and Society is published, stressing the interaction between the self and others. The Coming-of-Age Years 1936: The Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues is founded. Muzafir Sherif publishes The Psychology of Social Norms, describing research on norm formation. 1939: John Dollard and his colleagues introduce the frustration-aggression hypothesis. 1941–1945: Social psychologists are recruited by the U.S. government for the war effort. Rapid Expansion Years 1949: Carl Hovland and his colleagues publish their first experiments on attitude change and persuasion. 1950: Theodor Adorno and his colleagues publish The Authoritarian Personality, which examines how extreme prejudice can be shaped by personality conflicts in childhood. 1951: Solomon Asch demonstrates conformity to false majority judgments. 1954: Gordon Allport publishes The Nature of Prejudice, which provides the framework for much of the future research on prejudice. Social psychologists provide key testimony in the U.S. Supreme Court desegregation case, Brown v. Board of Education. 1957: Leon Festinger publishes A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance, emphasizing the need for consistency between cognition and behavior. 1958: Fritz Heider publishes The Psychology of Interpersonal Relations, laying the groundwork for attribution theory. 1963: Stanley Milgram publishes his obedience research, demonstrating under what conditions people are likely to obey destructive authority figures. 1965: The Society of Experimental Social Psychology is founded. Edward Jones and Kenneth Davis publish their ideas on social perception, stimulating attribution and social cognition research. Rapid Expansion Years 1966: The European Association of Experimental Social Psychology is founded. Elaine (Walster) Hatfield and her colleagues publish the first studies of romantic attraction. 1968: John Darley and Bibb Latanà © present the bystander intervention model, explaining why people often do not help in emergencies. Crisis and Reassessment Years 1972: Attribution: Perceiving the Causes of Behavior, written by six influential attribution theorists, is published. Robert Wicklund and Shelley Duval publish Objective Self-Awareness Theory, describing how self-awareness influences cognition and behavior. 1974: The Society for Personality and Social Psychology (SPSP) is founded. Sandra Bem develops the Bem Sex Role Inventory and Janet Spence and Robert Helmreich develop the Personal Attributes Questionnaire, both of which measure gender roles. 1981: Alice Eagly and her colleagues begin conducting meta-analyses of gender comparisons in social behavior, reopening the debate on gender differences. 1984: Susan Fiske and Shelly Taylor publish Social Cognition, summarizing theory and research on the social cognitive perspective in social psychology. The Expanding Global and Interdisciplinary View Years 1986: Richard Petty and John Cacioppo publish Communication and Persuasion: Central and Peripheral Routes, describing a dual-process model of persuasion. 1989: Jennifer Crocker and Brenda Major publish their Psychological Review article on â€Å"Social Stigma and Self-Esteem,† examining how people respond to being the targets of discrimination. 1991: Hazel Markus and Shinobu Kitayama publish their Psychological Review article on how culture shapes the self. 1995: Claude Steele and Joshua Aronson publish â€Å"Stereotype Threat and the Intellectual Test Performance of African Americans† in Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, presenting their research on how negative stereotypes can shape intellectual identity and performance. 1996: David Buss and Neal Malamuth publish Sex, Power, Conflict, an edited text offering evolutionary and feminist perspectives on sex and gender interactions. A growing number of social psychologists attempt to integrate these previously divergent perspectives. (Because the passage of time ultimately determines what events significantly shape a field, I will wait a few years before adding any more milestones to this list.)

Explain the Impact of the Stanford Prison Experiment on Psychology and Behaviour Essay

The Stanford prison experiment ,led by professor Philip Zimbardo, was aimed at seeing the effect on people on becoming prisoners or prison guards. The idea was to see what happens to people when they are put in relatively ‘evil’ places. Do the people themselves become evil or is there no net effect? The results indicated that in fact people adapt to their role exceptionally well. It was observed that the prison guards became overly tyrannical to the level of sadism. In consequence the prisoners were seen to be under severe stress to the extent that they became crazy or depressed. 24 volunteers were selected that had no psychological problems, health issues or any past crime accounts. They were brought to a mock prison set up in the basement of the Stanford university’s psychology building where they were randomly assigned to be prisoners or guards. 3 prisoners each were given rooms that they had to live in for 24 hours of the day and the guards were given 8 hour shifts to work in. The study was observed upon using cameras and microphones. They study was supposed to last for 14 days but had to be halted after 6 days due to extreme unethical practices in the prison. The Stanford prison experiment showed us that human beings alter to the situation they are put in. The guards won total control over the prisoners who blindly followed orders. All of this in just 5 days of experimental conditions. Zimbardo said that the prisoners had internalised their roles and thus continued to participate in the experiment on their own will. One example of this is when they introduced themselves to the priest with their serial number rather than their real name. Another example would be of the prison consultant who took on the role of an autocratic head of the parole board. After the experiment was over he was said to be disgusted at the person he had become. In essence there were two groups created among the volunteers, therefore, according to social identity theory ,people in the in-group would exhibit in-group favouritism and a sense of discrimination of the out-group. This can explain the unanimity between the guards themselves and their certain dislike towards the inmates. To further build on this ,the idea of the prison guards being a group may evoke the feeling of anonymity, which would allow the guards to be more free and aggressive as they could shake off responsibility for their actions. This is called deindividuation theory. It may be a cause of the violence occurred on the prisoners by the guards as there is a diffusion of responsibility. The Self-fulfilling prophecy states that when a person is given a label we often live up to that expectation. In the same way ,as the volunteers were given labels, they tried to live up to that expectation and thus acted in the way they thought they should. Furthermore it can be said that the volunteers had set stereotypes on the idea of a prison guard and prisoner. It can be assumed that these stereotypes illustrated the prison guards to be strong and authoritative. It could also be an illusionary correlation made by them through watching films or through media (which means that they attribute the behaviour of the prison guards to their disposition rather than situation :FAE). The theory of cognitive dissonance can also be used to understand why the prisoners and guards acted this way. They had to alter their mind-set(attitudes) to match with their behaviours so that there was no tension in their self identity. The situation put the prisoners in certain set roles that they tried to live up to and thus they changed their behaviour. This experiment along with Milligram’s shock experiment demonstrates the fundamental attribution error which says that there is a overestimation of dispositional factors and under-estimation of situational factors when we attribute. It changed the way we looked at psychology in a socio-cultural aspect. This experiment has helped us understand how good people do bad things such as the torture of Iraqi prisoners in the Abu Gharib prison, which was a real life example of the same results obtained by Zimabardo. It was also used to investigate matters such as prison riots and abuse of juveniles in many prisons. Young adults are also known to be power hungry. Their lust for power might have changed the way they would have normally behaved. The prisoners were made powerless and thus started to behave in such a way. They became depressed ,helpless and unstable. Thus it can be said that power also affected their behaviour. In relation to gender I believe that there would not have been much difference in the experiment as people, male or female, tend to have similar schematic processing when it comes to social perceptions of a certain group or individuals. If conducted with only females it is more likely that there would have been lesser violence as it has been researched that testosterone, which is much more predominating in males, is a cause of sexual arousal and aggression. Culture would not affect the behaviour as everybody needs some power in their life and if power is stolen from us we tend to become unstable. Lastly, it can be argued that all the volunteers of the experiment were college students. These students are more likely to be aggressive, as they would have higher testosterone levels compared to older guards in regular prisons. The volunteers were mostly white males who were on average ,financially stable, which when compared to regular prisoners would not equate well as people in prisons are usually financially unstable. It goes without saying that this experiment was extremely unethical. It did harmed the volunteers both physically and mentally as they were put under severe stress as well as physical torture. Their consent forms were not complete as it id not involve the details of the experiment. The volunteers did not know what they were getting themselves into , for example strip searched which is a violation itself. They were also ,without prior knowledge ,arrested. Zimbardo himself became the super-intendant and did not abide by his role as a psychologist ,which should have been the case to have an unbiased study. The experiment had no controls and thus is therefore severely criticised. Therefore the validity and ethics of this experiment, relating to its method are questioned. In conclusion, the experiment was a path breaking exercise that opened our eyes to show us the vulnerability of our race in terms of conformity and how we adapt to our situations especially when it comes to the fight for power.

The Wounded Knee Massacre

The massacre of hundreds of Native Americans at Wounded Knee in South Dakota on December 29, 1890, marked a particularly tragic milestone in American history. The killing of mostly unarmed men, women, and children, was the last major encounter between the Sioux and U.S. Army troops, and it could be viewed as the end of the Plains Wars. The violence at Wounded Knee was rooted in the federal governments reaction to the ghost dance movement, in which a religious ritual centered around dancing became a potent symbol of defiance to white rule. As the ghost dance spread to Indian reservations throughout the West, the federal government began to regard it as a major threat and sought to suppress it. The tensions between whites and Indians greatly increased, especially as federal authorities began to fear that the legendary Sioux medicine man Sitting Bull was about to become involved in the ghost dance movement. When Sitting Bull was killed while being arrested on December 15, 1890, the Sioux in South Dakota became fearful. Overshadowing the events of late 1890 were decades of conflicts between whites and Indians in the West. But one event, the massacre at the Little Bighorn of Col. George Armstrong Custer and his troops in June 1876 resonated most deeply. The Sioux in 1890 suspected that commanders in the U.S. Army felt a need to avenge Custer. And that made the Sioux especially suspicious of actions taken by soldiers who came to confront them over the ghost dance movement. Against that backdrop of mistrust, the eventual massacre at Wounded Knee arose out of a series of misunderstandings. On the morning of the massacre, it was unclear who fired the first shot. But once the shooting began, the U.S. Army troops cut down unarmed Indians with no restraint. Even artillery shells were fired at Sioux women and children who were seeking safety and running from the soldiers. In the aftermath of the massacre, the Army commander on the scene, Col. James Forsyth, was relieved of his command. However, an Army inquiry cleared him within two months, and he was restored to his command. The massacre, and the forcible rounding up of Indians following it crushed any resistance to white rule in the West. Any hope the Sioux or other tribes had of being able to restore their way of life was obliterated. And life on the detested reservations became the plight of the American Indian. The Wounded Knee massacre faded into history, but a book published in 1971, Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee, became a surprise bestseller and brought the name of the massacre back to public awareness. The book by Dee Brown, a narrative history of the West told from the Indian point of view, struck a chord in America at a time of national skepticism and is widely considered a classic. And Wounded Knee came back in the news in 1973, when American Indian activists, as an act of civil disobedience, took over the site in a standoff with federal agents. Roots of the Conflict The ultimate confrontation at Wounded Knee was rooted in the movement of the 1880s to force Indians in the West onto government reservations. Following the defeat of Custer, the U.S. military was fixated on defeating any Indian resistance to forced resettlement. Sitting Bull, one of the most respected Sioux leaders, led a band of followers across the international border into Canada. The British government of Queen Victoria allowed them to live there and did not persecute them in any way. Yet conditions were very difficult, and Sitting Bull and his people eventually returned to South Dakota. In the 1880s, Buffalo Bill Cody, whose exploits in the West had become famous through dime novels, recruited Sitting Bull to join his famous Wild West Show. The show traveled extensively, and Sitting Bull was a huge attraction. After a few years of enjoying fame in the white world, Sitting Bull returned to South Dakota and life on a reservation. He was regarded with considerable respect by the Sioux. The Ghost Dance The ghost dance movement began with a member of the Paiute tribe in Nevada. Wovoka, who claimed to have religious visions, began preaching after recovering from a serious illness in early 1889. He claimed that God had revealed to him that a new age was about to dawn on earth. According to Wovoka’s prophecies, game which had been hunted to extinction would return, and Indians would restore their culture, which had been essentially destroyed during the decades of conflict with white settlers and soldiers. Part of Wovoka’s teaching involved the practice of ritual dancing. Based on older round dances performed by Indians, the ghost dance had some special characteristics. It was generally performed over a series of days. And special attire, which became known as ghost dance shirts, would be worn. It was believed that those wearing the ghost dance would be protected against harm, including bullets fired by U.S. Army soldiers. As the ghost dance spread throughout western Indian reservations, officials in the federal government became alarmed. Some white Americans argued that the ghost dance was essentially harmless and was a legitimate exercise of religious freedom. Others in the government saw malicious intent behind the ghost dancing. The practice was seen as a way to energize Indians to resist white rule. And by late 1890 the authorities in Washington began giving orders for the U.S. Army to be ready to take action to suppress the ghost dance. Sitting Bull Targeted In 1890 Sitting Bull was living, along with a few hundred other Hunkpapa Sioux, at the Standing Rock reservation in South Dakota. He had spent time in a military prison and had also toured with Buffalo Bill, but he seemed to have settled down as a farmer. Still, he always seemed in rebellion to the rules of the reservation and was perceived by some white administrators as a potential source of trouble. The U.S. Army began sending troops into South Dakota in November 1890, planning to suppress the ghost dance and the rebellious movement it seemed to represent. The man in charge of the Army in the area, General Nelson Miles, came up with a plan to get Sitting Bull to surrender peacefully, at which point he could be sent back to prison. Miles wanted Buffalo Bill Cody to approach Sitting Bull and essentially lure him into surrendering. Cody apparently traveled to South Dakota, but the plan fell apart and Cody left and returned to Chicago. Army officers decided to use Indians who were working as policemen on the reservation to arrest Sitting Bull. A detachment of 43 tribal police officers arrived at Sitting Bull’s log cabin on the morning of December 15, 1890. Sitting Bull agreed to go with the officers, but some of his followers, who were generally described as ghost dancers, tried to intervene. An Indian shot the commander of the police, who raised his own weapon to return fire and accidentally wounded Sitting Bull. In the confusion, Sitting Bull was then fatally shot by another officer. The outbreak of gunfire brought a charge by a detachment of soldiers who had been positioned nearby in case of trouble. Witnesses to the violent incident recalled a peculiar spectacle: a show horse which had been presented to Sitting Bull years earlier by Buffalo Bill heard the gunfire and must have thought it was back in the Wild West Show. The horse began performing intricate dance moves as the violent scene unfolded. The Massacre The killing of Sitting Bull was national news. The New York Times, on December 16, 1890, published a story at the top of the front page headlined â€Å"The Last of Sitting Bull.† The sub-headlines said he had been killed while resisting arrest. In South Dakota, the death of Sitting Bull stoked fear and distrust. Hundreds of his followers departed the Hunkpapa Sioux camps and began to scatter. One band, led by the chief Big Foot, began traveling to meet up with one of the old chiefs of the Sioux, Red Cloud. It was hoped Red Cloud should protect them from the soldiers. As the group, a few hundred men, women, and children, moved through the harsh winter conditions, Big Foot became quite ill. On December 28, 1890, Big Foot and his people were intercepted by cavalry troopers. An officer in the Seventh Cavalry, Major Samuel Whitside, met with Big Foot under a flag of truce. Whitside assured Big Foot his people would not be harmed. And he made arrangements for Big Foot to travel in an Army wagon, as he was suffering from pneumonia. The cavalry was going to escort the Indians with Big Foot to a reservation. That night the Indians set up camp, and the soldiers set up their bivouacs nearby. At some point in the evening another cavalry force, commanded by Col. James Forsyth, arrived on the scene. The new group of soldiers was accompanied by an artillery unit. On the morning of December 29, 1890, the U.S. Army troops told the Indians to gather in a group. They were ordered to surrender their weapons. The Indians stacked up against their guns, but the soldiers suspected they were hiding more weapons. Soldiers began searching the Sioux tepees. Two rifles were found, one of which belonged to an Indian named Black Coyote, who was probably deaf. Black Coyote refused to give up his Winchester, and in a confrontation with him, a shot was fired. The situation quickly accelerated as soldiers began shooting at the Indians. Some of the male Indians drew knives and faced the soldiers, believing that the ghost dance shirts they were wearing would protect them from bullets. They were shot down. As Indians, including many women and children, tried to flee, the soldiers continued firing. Several artillery pieces, which had been positioned on a nearby hill, began to rake the fleeing Indians. The shells and shrapnel killed and wounded scores of people. The entire massacre lasted for less than an hour. It was estimated that about 300 to 350 Indians were killed. Casualties among the cavalry amounted to 25 dead and 34 wounded. It was believed most of the killed and wounded among the U.S. Army troops had been caused by friendly fire. Wounded Indians were taken on wagons to the Pine Ridge reservation, where Dr. Charles Eastman, who had been born a Sioux and educated at schools in the East, sought to treat them. Within days, Eastman traveled with a group to the massacre site to search for survivors. They did find some Indians who were miraculously still alive. But they also discovered hundreds of frozen corpses, some as many as two miles away. Most of the bodies were gathered by soldiers and buried in a mass grave. Reaction to the Massacre In the East, the massacre at Wounded Knee was portrayed as a battle between â€Å"hostiles† and soldiers. Stories on the front page of the New York Times in the final days of 1890 gave the Army version of events. Though the number of people killed, and the fact that many were women and children, created interest in official circles. Accounts told by Indian witnesses were reported and appeared in newspapers. On February 12, 1890, an article in the New York Times was headlined â€Å"Indians Tell Their Story.† The sub-headline read, â€Å"A Pathetic Recital of the Killing of Women and Children.† The article gave witness accounts and ended with a chilling anecdote. According to a minister at one of the churches at the Pine Ridge reservation, one of the Army scouts told him he had heard an officer say, after the massacre, â€Å"Now we have avenged Custer’s death.† The Army launched an investigation of what happened, and Col. Forsyth was relieved of his command, but he was quickly cleared. A story in the New York Times on February 13, 1891, was headlined â€Å"Col. Forsyth Exonerated.† The sub-headlines read â€Å"His Action at Wounded Knee Justified† and â€Å"The Colonel Restored to Command of His Gallant Regiment.† Legacy of Wounded Knee After the massacre at Wounded Knee, the Sioux came to accept that resistance to white rule was futile. The Indians came to live on the reservations. The massacre itself faded into history. In the early 1970s, the name of Wounded Knee came to take on resonance, largely due to Dee Brown’s book. A native American resistance movement put a new focus on the massacre as a symbol of broken promises and betrayals by white America.

Personal Statement - 905 Words

Delzetha E. Sinclair Smith Masters of Arts in Teaching, BSc. (hons.) Education, Diploma in Teaching PROFESSIONAL GOAL STATEMENTS DEGREE/SPECIALISATION: Ed.D. –SPECIAL EDUCATION PERSONAL/PROFESSIONAL GOALS: A philosopher once wrote that learning is dynamic; and as such graduate school became a natural progression. Having read for a Masters Degree in teaching, this part of the journey translates into me eventually owning and operating a school that will cater for the whole child, with each grade level being equipped with a special education facilitator. As a teacher it has always been my belief that each child CAN and MUST be given a fair chance to learn in spite of any and every challenge- against this background my desire†¦show more content†¦What stands out for me though was the fact that for the Masters’ program we had to do several research pieces to do. The two most critical ones were the one I did in the special education component- where cases study on a gifted child and a child with traumatic brain injury. I followed their successes and failures over a course of four months and recorded their conversations. The course rekindled my deep commitment to pursue further research and degrees in special education. The other research that stands out was when I did a paper on the use of multiply intelligences with a group of grade nine secondary school students. As is now well documented, GARDNER’S MI has had significant impact on the way many teachers now write lesson plans and execute them. I can say with certainty that I look forward to doing the research and presenting my dissertation in special education. I intend to do a case study looking at 10 fathers across the socio-economic strata to see the impact having a child with disability have on their families. WORK EXPERIENCE: Teaching for me is a â€Å"ministry† where each day I am able to reflect and reinvent the wheel making sure that the students are the primary beneficiaries of the subjects and life lessons I teach. It has been twenty-four wonderful years with challenges, but, none that could have made me walk away from my calling. I was blessed to teach at the primary, secondary and undergraduate levels. The journey has beenShow MoreRelatedPersonal Statement On Personal Responsibility850 Words   |  4 PagesPersonal responsibility is holding you accountable for all your actions and decisions. Being personally responsible means you take ownership of what you do in and with your life. This means from the time you wake up until you go to bed at night, your life is your responsibility and yours alone. Your values, morals, and beliefs are all contributing factors in how you view being personally responsible. 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Scarlet Fever - 1106 Words

Scarlet Fever By: Rachael Zabkar In Frankentstein, a gothic novel written my Mary Shelley, scarlet fever was a huge part in the main plot line. Scarlet fever was a common disease during the time Mary Shelley wrote Frankenstein. Scarlet fever was particularly common in children and was fatal and deadly. It was a disease that affected many children and hat many sympotms, causes and stages (Bunch 54). In the modern world we live in with modern medicine its not as common, however, back then if you were to get this disease, you were deemed tainted and couldnt be touched due to the fact that it was extremely contagious and no one wanted to be exposed to the disease. In Frankenstein, the scarlet fever plays a big role in the plot of the†¦show more content†¦And In most cases,a day or so later a fine scarlet rash will appear and the patient should be quarantined;which usually lasts four to six weeks. Complete isolation is required in order to control scarlet fever. The recovering of a patient is judged by the scaling of the rash,but the throat is the thing to watch. (Scarlet Fever and History of) Husband and wife Gladys Henry Dick and George Frederick Dick developed a vaccine in 1924 that was later eclipsed by penicillin in the 1940s. (Scarlet Fever-Treatment) Alphonse Raymond Dochez (April 21, 1882-June 1964) was an American physician and disease researcher. He developed an antitoxin for scarlet fever and definitively established that viruses cause the common cold. Also, in Frankenstein, Alphonse is the name of Victors father. (Tulalit) Even though scarlet fever was a big scare for people back then, especially children, and some adults, it has become a common disease that is easilty treatable. If not treated withtin a timely manner however, scarlet fever will turn into rheumatic fever which starts the infection of the heart. If that is left untreated, the disease then becomes giomerulanephritis which is the infection of the kidneys. Today, scarlet fever is treated with antibiotics that kill the bacteria and the rash should go away in 3-4 days. When Mary Shelley wrote Frankenstein scarlet fever was definitely something to be afraid of and killed a percentage of the population. TheShow MoreRelatedScarlet Fever Disease754 Words   |  3 Pages Scarlet Fever is an illness that can develop from strep throat and usually affects children between the ages of five to fifteen (Mayo Clinic, 2011). This disease is able to be controlled with the use of antibiotics, but only if it is recognized and interpreted correctly. When r ecognized by the combination of symptoms, medical help should be reached. If left untreated, scarlet fever could lead to many other complications throughout the body. 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